The Kiai’s Cultural Strategy in Shaping the Religious Culture of the Community of Temboro Magetan Village, East Java

Religious culture in the village of Temboro, which made it is known as "Kampung Madinah", certainly did not happen suddenly, but there was a process of formation and role of Kiai and Pesantren Al-Fatah. This study aims to analyze the Kiai’s cultural strategy in developing a religious culture using a phenomenological approach and collects data through in-depth interviews, active participant observation, and documentation. The study results show that, firstly, ideological culture is the strategy of the Kiai in shaping the religious culture of the Temboro community. Secondly, the ideological culture of the Tablighi Jamaat has an impact on changing the five religious cultures of the Temboro community, namely: (1) ideological faith, (2) normative Islam, (3) Sufistic religious experience, (4) moderate-textual religious knowledge, (5) Maqami-intiqali practice.

A. Introduction movement has changed the religious behavior of the people who are more orthodox (puritan) and fatalism (Baskara, 2020).
This study uses the theory of culture in Islamic thought presented by Al-Jabiri, namely: Bayani, Burhani, and Irfani. Walid Harmaneh, in his introduction, said that in 1980, al-Jabiri published several articles that had been presented at various conferences on Islamic philosophers. Al-Jabiri's works are Nah}nu wa al-Turas}, two years later, he published a book on contemporary Arabic thought, al-Khit}ab al-'Arabi al-Mu'as}ir: Dirasah Tahliliyyah Naqdi}yyah (Contemporary Arabic Discourse: Critical and Analytical Studies). This book was followed by three volumes of al-Jabiri's magnum opus entitled: Naqd al-'Aql al-'Arabi (Criticism of Arabic Reason) published in 1984, 1986, and 1990. (Mohammed 'Abed al-Jabiri, 1999).
Second, the religious dimension in this study uses Stark and Glock, which consists of five aspects, namely belief (ideological), practice (ritualistic), experience (experiential), knowledge (intellectual), and practice (Consequential) (Reitsma et al., 2006;Saroglou, 2011). According to the Islamic perspective, these five dimensions are understood and can be equated with aqidah, sharia, and morals (Ancok & Suroso, 2011). Subandi further understands the five dimensions of Stark and Glock in an Islamic perspective as follows: Religious effect (consequential) Deed (Amal)

C. Research Methodology
This research was conducted qualitatively with a religious phenomenology approach to understand and give a deeper meaning to a phenomenon or religious expressions (Dhavamony, 2010) as well as subjective religious facts, such as thoughts, feelings, ideas, emotions, intentions, and experiences of someone who expressed in words and deeds (Assegaf, 2007). The data collection technique was through documentation, in-depth interviews, and participant observation by participating in several religious activities at the al-Fatah Islamic Boarding Schools and Khuruj to participate in preaching in the community.
This research was conducted in 2014-2015 by conducting in-depth interviews with the Kiai of the al-Fatah Islamic boarding school, students, the Temboro community, and the Tablighi Jamaat activists from various regions who participated in Ijtima' at the Trangkil mosque. Triangulation was done to check data from various respondents' sources and techniques (Sugiyono, 2010). For example, the results of interviews with Kiai were cross-checked with observations or interviews with students or the community.

D. Findings and Discussion 1. Ideology as Kiai's Cultural Strategy
A significant change that became a milestone in the formation of the religious culture of the Temboro community was the change in the ideology of the pesantren from a pesantren based on the ideology of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) to become the Tablighi Jamaat. The Kiai's decision to change the ideological basis of the Temboro pesantren is undoubtedly based on the ideology adopted by the Kiai, which is then applied to the education system at the Pesantren al-Fatah Temboro.
The success of ideological change in the Pesantren al-Fatah cannot be separated from the figure and authority of the Kiai. Kiai is the central figure of change in pesantren who has power and authority (Dhofier, 2011) which comes from a combination of pesantren education traditions and charisma (Rohmaniyah & Woodward, 2012;Sukamto, 1999). The charisma of the Kiai can be obtained both given because it has genealogical ties and the process of engineering through spiritual mastery accompanied by morality, pious personality, and helping the community (Rozaki, 2004).
Charismatic authority comes from the influence (emotional) of one's personality (Weber, 1968), characterized by obedience, not to rules or traditions (Turner, 1974). This charisma is related to the spiritual quality of the leader (Nadlifah et al., 2020), which encourages individual belief and trust (Karim, 2009). The charismatic leadership of the Kiai encourages people to obey and not oppose it because it can hinder blessings and cause kualat (Budiwiranto, 2009).
Ideology as a cultural strategy is interpreted as the Kiai's effort in influencing the Temboro community with an ideological approach or in Usman's language as diniyyah, namely awareness that emphasizes the spirit and quality of high and correct diversity (Usman, 2013). One of the hallmarks of Kiai leadership is having an ideological network (Muttaqin, 2020), and the dominant ideology developed by the Pesantren al-Fatah is the Tablighi Jamaat.
The authority and charisma of the Kiai in the Pesantren al-Fatah are evident in changing the ideological basis of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) to the Tablighi Jamaat. Change is also Kiai's strategy to shape the religious culture of the Temboro community. This cultural transmission process occurs from the boarding school's classroom through the educational process; there is a transformation of the pesantren culture. This religious culture intersects with the surrounding community so that this pesantren's religious culture is also transferred to the community around the Pesantren al-Fatah.

The Impact of the Ideological Culture of the Tablighi Jamaat on Changes in the Religious Culture of the Temboro Society
The ideological culture of the Tablighi Jamaat that developed at the Pesantren al-Fatah had an impact on changing the religious culture for the Temboro community, namely: (1) ideological faith, (2) Normative Islam, (3) Sufistic religious experience, (4) moderate-textual religious knowledge, and (5) the practice of Maqami-Intiqali.

a. Culture of Ideological Faith
The Tablighi Jamaat is a faith movement (Ma'mun et al., 2020). As stated by Maulana Ilyas, the initiator of the Tablighi Jamaat that "This movement is a movement solely to renew and perfect faith."(A. A. As-Sirbuny, 2010). The purpose of this ideological faith is faith that is based on the ideological doctrines of the Tablighi Jamaat through bayan (religious lectures) delivered in mosques as well as during khuruj fi sabilillah activities (observation, February 5, 2015). The sources of the books that are used as references are Ideological faith is always fostered through khuruj fi sabilillah activities. This activity is a form of practicing faith and an exercise in teaching faith to the community or learning by doing. The cultivation of ideological faith is influenced by the ideological doctrines of the Tablighi Jamaat. For example, it can be seen from KH Umar Fatahillah's lecture that "... Allah's commands do not have to be digested by reason, but must be obeyed. Religion is not reason but obeyed, if obeyed, then Allah will provide sustenance unexpectedly..." (Observation, March 3, 2015) b.

Culture of Normative Islam
Religious practice is related to ritual. In Islam, this dimension is included in the pillars of Islam that every Muslim must carry out. The cultural practice of the Temboro people's religion tends to be textual-normative, evidenced by how to understand religion and dress. For example, male residents usually wear a robe, turban, cingkrang pants, and maintain a long beard, while women wear a veil (purdah) and dark robes (black or brown). When entering the village of Temboro, many billboards invite Muslims to dress, behave Islamically, maintain cleanliness, and write calligraphy on every street corner and house (Observation 2014(Observation -2015 This normative-textual Islamic practice culture in the Temboro community is influenced by the ideology of the Tablighi Jamaat, which tends to understand Islam literally (Aziz, 2004). However, the birth of the Pesantren al-Fatah is based on the NU ideology, which until now still teaches the classical books of the Shafi'i school of thought. In contrast, the origin of the Tablighi Jamaat is the Hanafi school because Maulana Ilyas, the founder of the Tablighi Jamaat, is an alumnus of Darul Ulum Deoband. The madzhab adopted by Deoband is Hanafi (Agha, 2015).

c. Culture of Sufistic Religious Experience
Religious experience in the Islamic tradition is related to the dimension of Ihsan, which emphasizes appreciation in religion. The religious experience of the Temboro people tends to a Sufistic culture can be seen from the khuruj activities in mosques carried out by the students and the Temboro community (interview with Lutfi al-Hasyimi, January 16, 2015). There are four main activities in khuruj: worship-remembrance (dzikir), da'wah, ta'lim, and khidmah (social services).
Many Tablighi Jamaat followers experience a change in character when participating in khuruj activities. For example, one member of the congregation admitted that there was a change in his character for the better; his life was more focused because he had a purpose and a passion for learning religion. (interview with Dadang, September 27, 2015).
The people of Temboro experienced an increase in worship practices, such as; praying five times in congregation, increasing public knowledge about religion, people's behavior being more religious, and Muslim women wearing Islamic clothes and wearing purdah (veil). The majority of Temboro people send their children to the Pesantren al-Fatah, and many Temboro people memorize the Qur'an and hadith (interview with M. Syafi'i, January 2, 2015) This phenomenon of character change is called religious transformation, which is the process of changing religious orientation from ordinary religious life to mystical religious life or from being religious to ordinary people (abangan) to being more religious and obedient in practicing religion (Subandi, 2009).
The culture of the Sufistic religious experience of the Temboro community is also supported by the Naqasyabandiyah-Khalidiyah tarekat tradition, which was implemented at the al-Fatah Islamic Boarding School before the arrival of the Tablighi Jamaat ideology. The pioneering period of the Pesantren al-Fatah during the time of Kiai Shidiq , the model for the study was in the form of the Naqsyabandiyah tarekat, which is still being continued until now, for example, the Kiai used to give diplomas to his students, there were also certificates of hirzi (protection) verses to be guarded by Allah is born and inside, and so on (interview with Abdur Rouf, 15 January 2015) In addition, the Tablighi Jamaat is a Sufism-Islamic-traditional revivalist movement

d. Culture of Textual-Moderate Religious Knowledge
Tablighi Jamaat is one of the Sunni Islamic communities (Burhani, 2020) that preaches religious messages peacefully or peaceful fundamentalist (Aziz, 2004). This community concentrates on individual moral reform (Hasan, 2008) and is limited to the practice of sharia in matters of ritual, dress, and does not have a global political agenda, hence the name "traditionalists." (Metcalf, n.d.).
The Tablighi Jamaat's ideological pattern influences the culture of religious knowledge of the Temboro community, which tends to be textual-moderate. In that sense, religion is literally in understanding the texts of the Qur'an and hadith, but being moderate with differences of opinion, evidenced by the existence of the ushul da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat, which prohibits discussing politics, khilafiyah (differences) of madhhabs), community disgrace, and social status (al-Kandhalawi, 2008). The books that support the strengthening of religious knowledge from the perspective of the Tablighi Jamaat are as follows: The moderation attitude of the Temboro people can be seen from their acceptance of other Sunni Islamic groups, which can be seen from preaching, which avoids the khilafiyah of madhhab but only invites the community to prosper the mosque. Thus, it can be concluded that the religious behavior of the Temboro people is exclusive for themselves (the group) but moderate for other (Sunni Islam) groups; this is the culture of textualmoderate religious knowledge that is influenced by the ideology of the Tablighi Jamaat.

e. Culture of Maqami and Intiqali Practices
The fifth change in religious culture is the practice of Maqami and Intiqali. These two practices impact the participation of the Temboro community with the Jamaah Tablighi ideology developed by the Pesantren al-Fatah. The word Maqami comes from the root word qama-yaqumu-qauman-al-maqam. The word al-maqam can be interpreted as a place, position, position, and situation (Munawir, 1997). The practice of Maqami in the Tablighi Jamaat tradition is carried out in the mosque where they each live by reviving four practices: remembrance (dzikir) and worship, ta'lim (teaching and learning), da'wah, and khidmah (service). (Interview with KH Imdad, January 16, 2015). Meanwhile, if these four practices are carried out outside their place of residence, they are called Intiqali practices, which in language means to move (out) (Munawir, 1997) or also called khuruj fi sabilillah (out in the way of Allah).
Of these four practices, one practice is community service (social), namely: khidmah (service); this can be seen from the people of Temboro, which is open to outsiders. Guests who attend the Temboro mosques are provided with a place to rest, drinking water, and a place to cook, and some even provide free food or drink. For worshipers who are khuruj (practice Intiqali), then other pilgrims whose husbands are not khuruj should provide necessities for wives left behind by their husbands (Observation, 2014(Observation, -2015 This Maqami and Intiqali practice of practice is a form of religious practice due to following the ideology of the Tablighi Jamaat. The practice of Intiqali in the form of khuruj to preach in the society, several stages must be passed as follows: Intiqali practice for husbands and wives of the Tablighi Jamaat is called Masthurah, an effort to revive religious practices that are carried out secretly (Masturah) in the house so that the house functions as a mosque. Masturoh program activities such as majlis taklim, congregational prayers, remembrance, reading the Qur'an, and so on (Manshur, 2010). Masturoh's goal is to prepare wives to become mu'allimah and muta'alimah, daiyah, and a'bidah (Arifin et al., 2021).
Masturoh is a da'wah activity carried out by husband and wife. During Masturoh, the husbands live in the mosque while the wives stay at the homes of fellow Tablighi Jamaat members (Siddiqi, 2018). For the Tablighi Jamaat family, building a family must be based on religion, and the household is an important means for wives to be involved in strengthening family faith (Agha, 2015), namely through Masturoh activities.

E. Conclusion
This research can be concluded that the cultural strategy of the kiai of the Pesantren al-Fatah in shaping the religious culture of the Temboro community is through the actualization of the ideology of the Tablighi Jamaat in the education process and the daily activities of the pesantren, which then spread to the Temboro village community. As a transnational Islamic movement with a fundamentalist-Sufi Islamic understanding style, Tablighi Jamaat influences the religious attitude of its followers, namely moderate. The moderation of the Tablighi Jamaat is seen in its peaceful preaching by visiting the community, avoiding differences among Sunni Islam, and not having a global political agenda.
The ideological culture developed by Kiai of the Pesantren al-Fatah also has an impact on changes in the religious culture of the community, namely: (1) ideological faith, (2) Normative Islam, (3) Sufistic religious experience, (4) moderate-textual religious knowledge, and (5) the practice of Maqami-Intiqali. This change in religious culture implies