Social Construction of Religious Attitude towards Disaster among Victims of Natural Disasters in Palu and Lombok

Every religion has teachings related to the best ways to cope with problems, including those caused by natural disasters. Thus, natural disasters can reshape the construction of religious attitudes among the community. Therefore, this research aims to understand how natural disasters are perceived by religious leaders in the aftermath of earthquakes in Palu and Lombok and how these perceptions impact the community's views on ideal religious attitudes after a disaster. This research employs a phenomenological approach with thematic data analysis techniques applied to research data collected through interviews with various religious leaders and community members in Lombok Island and Palu City, two regions that experienced natural disaster events in 2018. The research findings suggest that, despite the resurgence of a back-to-nature sentiment following the disasters in Lombok, for the Wetu Telu Muslim community, this sentiment carries a deeper meaning than merely promoting an environmentally conscious way of life. It signifies a return to a way of life rooted in traditions passed down through generations, a way of life that has been eroded by the modernization brought about by the proselytizing efforts of the majority Muslim group over the past five decades. In Palu City, the earthquake and tsunami disaster in 2018 has also shaped the community's perception of disasters and influenced their religious behaviors in the post-disaster society. In general, three common perspectives were identified. First, a majority believes the disaster is a form of divine admonition from Allah due to various deviant behaviors in the society. Second, some believe the disaster is a result of the shifting of the Palu-Koro fault plates, an unavoidable natural event, grounded in empirical knowledge sources and disaster facts. Third, Muslim groups view the disaster as a test from Allah. These three perspectives have essentially shaped a unique religious attitude among the community expressed in various forms of religiosity.


A. Introduction
Natural disaster occurrences in Indonesia over the past few decades have exhibited an increased frequency.Indonesia's geographical location, situated along the Pacific Ring of Fire, renders it naturally susceptible to various forms of natural calamities, including tsunamis, earthquakes, landslides, and other types of natural disasters (Novia Budi Parwanto and Tatsuo Oyama 2014:122-23).
Indonesia's status as a nation with a considerable potential for natural disasters has prompted its populace to develop various forms of indigenous wisdom to anticipate and mitigate the adverse impacts of natural disasters on community life.One facet of this indigenous wisdom is exemplified by religion's significant role in disaster preparedness and response.In this regard, faith is vital in aiding disaster victims in coping with the psychological stress from such calamities.
The role of religion in assisting natural disaster victims to resume normalcy in their lives is highly significant (Wignyo Adiyoso and Hidehiko Kanegae 2013).Victims of natural disasters typically experience social and psychological upheaval resulting from the loss of loved ones and material possessions as a consequence of the disaster's impact.In this context, religion is regarded as capable of playing a pivotal role because religious teachings frequently address concepts of patience, the afterlife, and sacrifice.
Nearly every religion has a unique conception of natural disasters that occur in the world.In the Holy Quran, for instance, verses related to natural occurrences that can be categorized as disasters are often accompanied by explanations regarding the causes of such events.Nevertheless, these verses fundamentally elucidate that disasters occur due to human actions that harm the environment (Agus Indiyanto and Arqom Kuswanjono 2012).
The interpretation of Quranic verses related to disasters resulting from human actions that harm the Earth is, however, not devoid of controversy.Earth mentioned in these verses are a divine warning for humanity to be mindful and not to exploit nature recklessly.On the other hand, others argue that causing harm to the Earth not only encompasses physical environmental damage but also encompasses all forms of sinful actions, such as neglecting Allah's commands and transgressing His prohibitions (Roni ' Abdul Fattah n.d.).

Some scholars and individuals believe that the acts of causing harm to the
The evolving interpretations of natural disasters from a religious perspective fundamentally possess both positive and negative aspects in the context of disaster preparedness and response within society (Lei Sun, Yan Deng, and Wenhua Qi 2018).Nonetheless, the narratives that emerge within community through disseminating the latter form of interpretation invariably tend to culminate in political debates, more precisely, debates revolving around the politicization of religious teachings concerning natural disasters (Djadjat Sudradjat 2018).
In the context of Indonesia, a nation located in a disaster-prone zone (the Pacific Ring of Fire) and characterized by a highly diverse religious and belief landscape, the dissemination of disaster-related interpretations by religious leaders to the public has the potential to hinder post-disaster mitigation efforts undertaken by both the government and the private sector.
Furthermore, the combination of these factors also makes Indonesia vulnerable to various forms of horizontal conflicts stemming from the politicization of religious teachings.
One way to understand the dynamics and shifting religious paradigms regarding disasters is by examining the religious ideologies that shape the interpretations of religious leaders about disasters.This approach is crucial because many religious scholars focus on interpreting the causes of disasters and religious responses to them, often overlooking the more fundamental factors that influence these responses, both on an ideological and practical level.In this context, religious doctrines' role in shaping religious leaders' perspectives on disasters becomes paramount.Building upon earlier studies, this research endeavor aims to comprehensively map and analyze the knowledge constructs that shape the perceptions of religious leaders and the community regarding disasters and their influence on the religious attitudes of the people in Eastern Indonesia (Lombok and Palu).Furthermore, this study will explore whether, in the aftermath of disasters, the community becomes more tolerant or, conversely, whether disasters lead individuals to become more fervent in their devotion to their religion.

B. Research Method
This research employs a qualitative approach to delve more deeply into the meanings ascribed by religious leaders to post-disaster events.This approach is considered more relevant for obtaining valuable insights into paradigm shifts within the community concerning religion and natural disasters.Through the insights gathered from the religious leaders involved in this study, we can understand the dynamic processes that underlie their views on natural disasters and how these views shape the religious attitudes of the community towards natural events in general.
The data analysis technique employed in this research is thematic analysis with a phenomenological approach.Data from interviews are categorized based on in-vivo themes that emerge from the interview results.
Through these themes, connections between topics are established to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the religious attitudes of the community following a disaster event.

Religious Attitudes Following Natural Disasters in Lombok
In Lombok, Muslim communities adhering to the Wetu Telu tradition view earthquakes as tests of their beliefs.The Muslim Wetu Telu community has long been recognized as a group that firmly holds on to indigenous traditions that are harmonious with nature.The environmental-conscious outlook of the indigenous community, which can be categorized as highly concerned about the environment, places the Muslim Wetu Telu group in Lombok in diametrical opposition to the general public.This is because the general public, by and large, is not as aware of the importance of environmental preservation and tends to prioritize economic development.
The Muslim Wetu Telu community in Lombok is unique in various aspects.Socially, this community represents the religio-cultural dimension of the Sasak people in Lombok, often overshadowed by Balinese culture.
Regarding religiosity, the Muslim Wetu Telu community is frequently referred to as a manifestation of the cultural diversity found on the island of Lombok concerning religious expression.
Nonetheless, one often overlooked aspect of the Muslim Wetu Telu community is their role in environmental conservation within their society.
Generally, the Muslim Wetu Telu community resides in the northern regions of Lombok.In recent years, this area has expanded to become its own regency, North Lombok Regency.As the youngest regency, North Lombok Regency is one of the relatively underdeveloped areas compared to other regencies on the island of Lombok.Interestingly, this corresponds to the Muslim Wetu Telu community's conditions.Economically, the Muslim Wetu Telu community is primarily an agricultural group that still relies on traditional agriculture as its leading economic activity.
The presence of several phenomena claimed as sacred evidence of the truth of their beliefs, such as places of worship remaining intact during earthquakes, further strengthens their conviction in the Wetu Telu tradition.
The earthquake that occurred on the island of Lombok in mid-2018 significantly impacted the community's views regarding disaster events in Lombok.
The Muslim Wetu Telu community has long been a target of proselytization efforts by more orthodox Muslim groups, often referred to as the "waktu lima" Muslims.This is due to the perspective held by the "waktu lima" group, who view Wetu Telu as a symbol of heterodoxy.The Muslim Wetu Telu community often confronts this situation with a sense of inferiority.Additionally, the real-world situation shows that modernization is typically associated with the "waktu lima" Muslim community.In contrast, the Muslim Wetu Telu group predominantly resides in areas closely connected to nature, in regions that have seen less development.
Despite often being indirectly marginalized, the government typically utilizes the positive image of the Muslim Wetu Telu community to promote a perception of tolerance among the Sasak people.This is because the Muslim Wetu Telu community is known for its close and harmonious relationship with the Hindu community on the island of Lombok.This is evident, for example, through traditional practices that involve both religious groups, Muslim Wetu Telu and Hindu.Consequently, the Muslim Wetu Telu community is also frequently promoted as a tourist attraction on the island of Lombok.
The earthquake that struck Lombok in 2018 uniquely impacted the Muslim Wetu Telu community in Lombok.The earthquake of 2018 was one of the most devastating earthquakes ever experienced by the people on the island of Lombok.However, earthquakes' physical and social impacts were felt differently from one place to another.
The foothills of Mount Rinjani were among the areas most seriously affected by the earthquake.In the eastern part of Lombok, specifically in the village of Sembalun, the earthquake led to several significant landslides on the slopes at the base of Mount Rinjani.The same held true for the northern foothills of Mount Rinjani on the island of Lombok.However, the conditions in which the Muslim Wetu Telu community lives more traditionally have provided certain advantages for them in coping with the earthquake.They tend not to experience significant damage because there are not many concrete structures in their area.Instead, the Muslim Wetu Telu community typically resides in traditional wooden and bamboo houses, which were relatively unaffected by the earthquake.
One intriguing example of this can be seen in the condition of the main mosque of the Muslim Wetu Telu community, the Ancient Mosque of Bayan Beleq, which remained standing strong after being struck by the major earthquake.However, several additional facilities built around the mosque, such as toilets, were damaged and collapsed due to the earthquake.
The houses of the Muslim Wetu Telu community, predominantly made of wood, generally escaped severe damage.This starkly contrasts the conditions found in more modern settlements where residents' houses are constructed from brick walls.Such a situation has significant psychological impacts that, in turn, prompt the Muslim Wetu Telu community to reflect on natural disasters.
After the earthquake, the Muslim Wetu Telu community became increasingly convinced of the importance of environmental preservation, which has long been associated with their existence on the island of Lombok.
They believe that nature possesses greater power than humans, and therefore, humans must adapt to nature.
For example, the Muslim Wetu Telu community around the Ancient Mosque of Bayan Beleq plans not to rebuild additional facilities such as public toilets and others that were destroyed by the earthquake.According to them, this is done as a reminder that during the earthquake, only the original structure of the ancient mosque dating back to the 16th century survived.At the same time, the modern buildings around it crumbled.
The sentiment of returning to nature among the Muslim Wetu Telu community essentially holds a deeper meaning than simply returning to a more traditional way of life.Moreover, the strengthening sentiment of returning to nature after the earthquake on the island of Lombok refers to a collective awareness of rediscovering social and religious identities that go hand in hand with environmental preservation.
The natural disaster of an earthquake on the island of Lombok provides its own justification for the Muslim Wetu Telu community to strengthen their determination to preserve their distinctive religious traditions, which tend to differ from the religious traditions of the majority Muslim community on the island of Lombok.This determination is not only supported by the fact that traditional ways of life are more resilient in the face of disasters compared to modern lifestyles, which often do not consider environmental conditions.disasters and comprehend their existence in this world.People are also starting to change their perceptions of disasters.They are not just seen as warnings and tests; disasters must be confronted as a facet of life.
Communities should be more prepared for the worst possible outcomes of any disaster.This awareness is exemplified by AH (47 years old): ... as residents living in a disaster-prone region, we must always be on high alert when facing disaster risks.We should be prepared from now, before disaster strikes.We must unite, avoid selfishness, and refrain from blaming one another.In addition to having faith in knowledge, we should also strive to improve ourselves in the eyes of the Creator, so that our lives are blessed and protected from all forms of disaster.
Disaster events have the capability to foster community solidarity in efforts to aid victims and mitigate potential future disasters.Disasters also provide new opportunities for communities to become more caring and creative, thus forming strong and resilient social bonds.This community solidarity is also evident in the increased vibrancy of religious activities in the aftermath of disasters.For example, it can be observed through the heightened intensity and number of Muslim community members attending places of worship.
Communities are also becoming more active in organizing Quranic lessons, Islamic law classes, regular religious gatherings, recitation of the Quran (Yasinan), and remembrance ceremonies (Tahlilan).This solidarity is further demonstrated through the caring for those affected by adversity or illness.
Another form of solidarity is exhibited by fishermen who give away their catch or monetary donations to orphans, mosques, and Islamic study centers (Darmawansyah and Cikka, 2020) .

c. Interreligious Relation
In the context of interreligious relations, the Palu community appears highly heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity and the religions and beliefs they follow.Nevertheless, competition between missionary groups and proselytizing efforts aimed at converts (Muallaf) continues to persist, particularly in mountainous regions inhabited by indigenous communities.
Generally, these indigenous communities do not adhere to the official religions recognized by the state but rather hold on to animistic and dynamistic beliefs.
The contest for followers is ongoing to this day, as BD (37 years old) explains: ... in the Lauje Tribe's mountainous region in Babong Village resides a group of indigenous people.They generally do not adhere to any official religion.Access to the village is exceedingly difficult.However, foreign and local missionaries employ myriad methods to reach this area, including the use of helicopters to access the village.They recruit local residents, train them to become pastors, and then send them back to the village.In contrast, as proselytizers for converts (Muallaf), we can only utilize trail motorcycles.Even then, it carries the risk of accidents or slipping.
Following the arrival of missionaries and Muslim proselytizers, the majority of the Lauje tribe members have begun to adhere to one of the two official religions, Islam and Christianity.Generally, they choose the religion of their own volition, often with the blessing of their Tuaka (elders).Occasionally, there are instances of rejection, although they do not typically lead to conflict or division.Despite differing religious choices, their familial and friendly relationships remain intact.In fact, during religious celebrations and life cycle rituals, for instance, they continue to cooperate and assist each other.BD (37 years old) exemplifies that during the distribution of sacrificial meat by the Muslims, those who follow Christianity also receive a share.
Following the 2018 earthquake, those who converted to Islam (Muallaf) actively participated in a joint prayer held at the Ar-Rayan Islamic boarding school in Babong Village.The event was attended by approximately 700 households and several national and local religious figures.In their perspective, the earthquake and tsunami that occurred in Palu cannot be separated from the three mainstream views outlined earlier.Although speculative, they also consider the Kaili tribe's Balinese ritual as one of the triggers for the disaster, whether as a warning or a test.

Miftahur
Ridho and Hudriansyah Social Construction of Religious.... Lentera: Jurnal Ilmu Dakwah dan Komunikasi Vol.VII, No. 1, Juni 2023 P-ISSN: 2549-7391, E-ISSN: 2549-578X https://journal.uinsi.ac.id/index.php/lentera20 P-ISSN: 2549-7391, E-ISSN: 2549-578X https://journal.uinsi.ac.id/index.php/lentera22 conflicts, mainly when religion cannot maintain its neutrality in disaster victim assistance.For instance, Nur Wahid Sofyan and Laila Kholid Alfirdaus have demonstrated how the eruption of Mount Merapi in Yogyakarta and the earthquake in Padang had the potential to create new conflicts between the Islamic and Catholic communities and were susceptible to discriminatory treatment of minority Chinese groups in the context of victim assistance.The fragile psychological condition of the community, post-disaster economic competition, and various negative stigmas against minority groups often act as triggers for these conflicts and discriminatory actions (Nur Wahid Sofyan 2012).
For the wider population outside of the Muslim Wetu Telu community, the religious practices of Wetu Telu Muslims are considered incomplete.Several explanations attempt to understand how this situation has arisen.One of the most popular explanations is the assumption that "Wetu Telu," which literally means 'three times,' signifies a condition where the group has not fully embraced Islamic proselytization and is considered incomplete.Completeness in this context is often associated with the phrase 'waktu lima,' which represents the broader Muslim population on the island of Lombok.With the support of the New Order government through its development programs, the Muslim Wetu Telu community faced significant challenges.Many members of the Muslim Wetu Telu group converted to other beliefs and left their community to join the majority Muslim group, the "waktu lima."The positioning of the Muslim Wetu Telu community as a target for proselytization placed them in a dilemma.On the one hand, proselytization is an activity that carries numerous benefits since the activities under proselytization essentially lead to an invitation to improve and continuously strive for betterment.On the other hand, being the target of proselytization also places the Muslim Wetu Telu group in a perpetual state of conflict.The Islamic teachings promoted by the da'is, who the government has supported since the New Order era, are fundamentally at odds with the traditions, beliefs, and religious practices of the Wetu Telu community.As a result, programs aimed at proselytizing them are often interpreted as efforts to erase the existence of the Wetu Telu Muslim tradition on the island of Lombok.The natural disaster of earthquakes that struck several areas in eastern Indonesia, including Lombok, in mid-2018 revealed numerous deficiencies in the island's infrastructure.The modernization efforts in rural areas of Lombok are often carried out without careful consideration of the potential environmental changes that may be brought about by such development.The longstanding modernization efforts in the villages have transformed the rural landscape, traditionally characterized by paddy fields and simple residential structures, into miniature urban areas complete with modern concrete buildings.For the Muslim Wetu Telu community, modernization is often presented as part of proselytization to encourage them to align with the mainstream Islam in Lombok, known as "waktu lima."This has been ongoing for a while, leading to a perception among the community that embracing modernity is synonymous with shedding their Wetu Telu identity.