‘Ngondek’ Celebration in Variety Shows on Television: A Critical Discourse Analysis

Variety show March 22, 2022, Ms. Queen on the NET television station "Mang Osa Refuses to Be in Television Show When Viral" explains openly how "ngondek" is humorous, liked, and creates viral content, which is what most young people in today's social media-driven world want to. In addition to breaking Indonesian broadcasting standards, this show may encourage audience imitation, particularly among young viewers who may have a favorable impression of it. Because of this, the researcher is curious to talk more about the issue of the "ngondek" guys in the program in order to learn more about the discourse that television genuinely offers to its audience and how it accomplishes it. The researcher employs Sarah Mills' critical discourse analysis method, which holds that texts are the outcome of discussions between the author and the reader. The study's findings demonstrate that the television institution — in this instance, the creative team of the program — which has the authority to establish the subject-object relationships — is one of the text's distinctly recognizable primary actors. MO has positioned himself as an object whether he realizes it or not by agreeing to approach Ms. Queen. Ultimately, the text's author attempts to normalize Irfan and MO's feminine performances, which are challenging for a male point of view to accept, by presenting the perspective of a woman. The reader is intended to take the intentional stance in a book that portrays a male performing in a feminine manner as a humorous, engaging, and widely recognized character. This allows the audience to understand other "ngondek" guys similarly by providing them with the same term.


A. Introduction
The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission, Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI), issued circular letter number 203/K/KPI/02/2016 on February 23, 2016, which sternly forbids television stations from airing programs that advocate for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) rights.The appearance of males who identify as banci, bencong, waria, or "waving men" is also prohibited.The researcher will now utilize phrases that are more commonly used in modern conversational language for the sake of this study: "ngondek" and "feminine men," which are interchangeable.KPI issued the ban because it considers that the behavior of feminine men is not the norms of decency and morality prevailing in society and the protection of children and adolescents.Broadcasts with such content may encourage children to learn and/or justify such inappropriate behavior as commonplace in everyday life (kpi.go.id, 2016).As reported by kompas.com(Tashandra, 2016), Deputy Chairperson of KPI Center Idy Muzayyad stated that, similar circular letters have often been delivered in previous years.The letter was circulated as a re-emphasis due to complaints and input from the public, especially parents who are worried that their children will easily imitate the behavior that is continuously displayed on the screen.This prohibition is intended as a form of protection for children and adolescents who are still underage and considered very vulnerable to duplicating deviant behavior such as LGBT.
Normatively, the rules are written in the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission's Broadcast Program Standards 2012 Article 9, article 15, and Article 37. The prohibition is intended for men as hosts, talents, or other performers (both main and supporting actors) with: 1) Female clothing style, 2) Female make-up, 3) Female body language (including but not limited to gait, sitting style, hand gestures, or other behaviors), 4) Female speaking style, 5) Displaying the justification or promotion of a man to behave in a female manner, 6) Displaying greetings to men with titles that should be reserved for women, 7) Displaying typical terms and expressions that are often used among men who are female.This circular letter's publication caused some controversy, especially in the art world.In the fields of dance and theater, it is normal for practitioners to perform as characters of the opposing gender.The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission's (KPI) prohibition was seen as a barrier to artistic productivity and creative expression (dw.com, 2016).But this circular letter seems to have vanished from view over time, with no legal force to enforce compliance.This is demonstrated by the return of ngondek men in a number of programs, especially variety performances.After preliminary examination by the researcher, it is noteworthy that all variety shows on Trans TV follow a unique format for host structure in the broadcast quality index research sample provided by the KPI in 2022.This format combines presenters who are male, female, and ngondek (erotically masculine).This data reveals the significant contribution that ngondek males make to humor elicitation.This structure implies a tendency that the presence of ngondek men adds to more viewer interaction, which could increase the show's ratings.
Based on research, it was also found that feminine men have been featured in the Indonesian entertainment industry since the New Order era where (Febriyanti dkk., 2023 mentioned that in Indonesian cinema, feminine men are often represented as entertainers -having an entertaining nature and/or having a job as an entertainer.Until now, these stereotypes still persist among audiences.So, it is not surprising that the presence of feminine men with ngondek behavior is still considered entertaining and invites laughter from the audience. Feminism is a characteristic of nature and behavior that is synonymous with women.Generally, feminity is correlated with women who are synonymous with tenderness, sensitivity, and empathy.A person's feminine attitude can be seen from their behavior, way of thinking and appearance (Nurhadi, 2020).Amriani and Manda (2015) characterized feminine men as follows: (a) Physically male but has a speaking style like a woman; (b) Hand and body movements tend to be gentle; (c) Pay attention to appearance (using cosmetics and specialized men grooming products); (d) Do activities and gather with women (like to gather and gossip); (e) Often carry tissues, like romantic melancholy songs; (f) Sensitive feelings; (g) Silence can harbor great potential anger; (h) Follow fashion developments.
In the sample of shows for the implementation of research by KPI in 2022, there is an episode of the variety show Ms. Queen on NET.TV March 22, 2022 edition, which discusses that ngondek is funny, liked, and makes someone viral quite explicitly.Discourse like this can trigger imitation from the audience, especially among children and adolescents, especially in the current era of social media where being viral and famous is the dream of most young people.The appearance of feminine men with ngondek behavior has proven to be entertaining content and even a successful personal branding to attract the attention of netizens on social media (Sumardiono, 2022;Zulaikha & Bistonovari, 2021).From here, the researcher is interested in discussing further on men's ngondek in variety show programs, especially how the show celebrates this 'ngondek'.The main issue in this research arises from Mang Osa's disclosure: "Yes, I once got a DM [direct message on Instagram].I asked, Sis, what will I be talking about there, what is the topic?'It's okay Mang.You'll just do 'ngondek' when you come'.What?It's crazy, is ngondek something that has to be shown, I come and then after that ... aw! [with ngondek intonation of voice and body language] done, then leave, isn't that strange?" The questions and statements above provide a brief description of the decisions of the media industry, especially Indonesian television, in determining the offerings for the audience that need to be criticized through this research.Media in this modern era has the most important position in conveying information.The more massive the media conveys its message, the more difficult it will be for the audience to understand the character, behavior, and effects of the media (Ritonga, 2019).It should be emphasized from the beginning that this research does not intend to examine discourses related to gender or sexuality explicitly, but is interested in the discourse of power in the interpretation of texts, both verbal texts and other forms such as body language, which in turn is an effort to maintain the hegemony of certain groups that have previously been in a dominant position.
The presence of feminine men on television has been a topic of research, especially regarding the differences in public reception regarding feminine male presenters (Devi, 2009).The results showed that some respondents accepted and welcomed the existence of feminine male presenters because they were considered capable of bringing a program to life and had more appeal.Some other respondents rejected the feminine appearance of the presenters because it was considered to have a very dangerous impact, namely imitation by children and even adult individuals who were considered not capable of being critical and or media literate.In addition, a study by Poerwitasari (2011) that attempted to capture the femininity of male presenters in music programs on television concluded that the femininity of male presenters shown in various ways such as body language, dialogue, and costumes is something that can be learned and imitated.External factors such as the setting and the presence of other people also influence the representation of femininity of the two male presenters.Previous research that is also a reference for this study is Masculinity and Women: Women's Reception of Soft Masculinity in Variety Show (Kartika & Wirawanda, 2019).The results showed that the informants negotiated soft masculinity as one of the definitions of masculine, which is considered to remain masculine by showing a softer side.Soft masculinity is negotiated as a masculine construction and not a feminine one.Informants are in a dominant reading position regarding soft masculinity as a trend and taste.Informants accept soft masculinity as unique and a masculine taste.Informants are aware that masculinity that is built for the public is one of the cultural products.The masculine they are interested in is a product of cultural producers who shape their trends and tastes (Kartika & Wirawanda, 2019).
Supported by some of these research results, this study intends to explore the latest conditions in the world of Indonesian television, which are indicated to be increasingly wide-open opportunities for various individuals to appear on the screen with their various personal identities.Based on pre-research observations of the content of the variety show produced by the NET television station, namely Ms. Queen with the episode title "Mang Osa Ogah Masuk TV Pas Lagi Viral".It is seen that this entertainment product greatly emphasizes the gestures, speech, and cuteness of feminine men who are more familiar with the term ngondek in society.This show was broadcast throughout Indonesia, and can also be watched through the Ms. Queen channel on YouTube and the NET.verse application.The content of such show violates the broadcasting code of ethics in Indonesia, as well as being a concern that it will be imitated by children and adolescents who watch the show if they have a positive interpretation of the meaning of the show.Furthermore, it is important to know what discourse is offered by the television to the audience, and how it is done.Therefore, the researcher will use critical discourse analysis by Sarah Mills to examine this phenomenon.
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is the analysis of language in its use using a critical language paradigm.CDA is often seen as an opposition to descriptive discourse analysis which views discourse as a mere language text phenomenon.In CDA, discourse is not understood solely as a study of language.Although CDA does use language in the text to be analyzed, the result is not to obtain an overview of the linguistic aspects, but rather to connect it with the context (Santoso, 2008).This means that language is used for certain purposes and practices, including the practice of power.
Discourse can be an ambiguous term.Following MacDonnell's (1986) thinking, Mills writes: discourse is not a collection of disembodied statements, but a grouping of utterances or sentences, statements that are enacted within a social context, that are determined by that social context and that contribute to the way that the social context continues its existence (Mills, 2005).Fowler (1986) distinguishes the concepts of text and discourse, that discourse is constructed from text and context.To see language as text leads us to the study of whole units of communication that are seen as coherent syntactic and semantic structures that can be spoken or written (Santoso, 2008).
Unlike more traditional strands of linguistics, CDA is not concerned with grammar or syntax.The focus is on the text in its context.Combined with methods from Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics, especially transitivity analysis, AWK analysis can combine grammar, text, and context into a coherent whole.In Systemic Functional Linguistics, "grammar is seen as a source for making meaning -it is a semantic grammar" (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2014).
CDA generally analyzes 'natural texts', i. e. spoken language, but also written texts that seek to influence in one way or another: opinion columns, social media entries, and news articles.As Mills points out, context matters in CDA.Who is saying, where they are saying, and when they are saying will reveal what is being said, how it is being said and why?CDA comes from critical theories of language that see language use as a form of social practice.All social practices are bound to historical contexts and are how existing social relations are reproduced or contested and different interests are served.This is a pertinent question of interest that links discourse to power relations.How is the text be positioned?Whose interests are served by this positioning?Whose interests are excluded?What are the consequences of this positioning?The analytical technique of trying to understand how discourse is involved in power relations is called critical discourse analysis.Furthermore, Sara Mills sees how the position of social actors, the position of ideas, or events are displayed in the text.These positions will determine the meaning treated in the text as a whole.In addition to the positions of actors in the text, Mills also focuses on how readers and writers are displayed in the text.How the reader identifies and places himself in the storytelling of the text.This kind of position will place the reader in one position and affect how the text is going to be understood and how these social actors are placed.Media discourse is not a neutral tool, so the storytelling and positions placed and displayed in this text make the parties legitimized or not legitimized (Eriyanto, 2015).
The subject-object position in the text is Mills' main concern.He believes that the position of a certain object or subject in a representation contains certain ideological content.According to (Mills, 2005), the concept of the reader's position placed in the news is formed by the author not directly, but vice versa.This happens in two ways.First, a text raises the discourse gradually with the truth hierarchically and systematically, so that the reader identifies himself with the characters or what is happening in the text.Second, cultural codes.This refers to the cultural codes or values that prevail in the mind of the reader when interpreting a text.The author uses these conditions when writing.Feminist Stylistics provides an avenue for those concerned with the representation of gender relations so that a set of tools can be developed for themselves to expose how gender works at different levels in texts.
Texts are under attack by socio-cultural norms, by ideology, by history, by economic forces, by gender, racism, and so on.That does not mean that writers have no control over what they write, but writers themselves are also subject to interpellation and interaction with discursive forces.In more detail, Sara Mills' Discourse Analysis Model is as follows: 1. Position: Subject-Object Sara Mills places representation as an important part of her analysis.How one party, group, person, idea, or event is presented in a certain way in the discourse in the text affects the meaning when it is received by the public.However, unlike the critical linguistic tradition's analysis that focuses on the structure of words, sentences, or linguistics, Mills emphasizes more on how the positions of various social actors, ideas, or events are placed in the text.These positions ultimately determine the form of texts that are present in society.For example, an actor who has a high position (subject) is featured in the text.He will influence how he is shown and how the other party is shown.

Readers' Positions
The important and interesting thing in the model introduced by Sara Mills is how the reader's position is displayed in the text.Sara argues that in a text the position of the reader is very important and must be taken into account in the text.Sara Mills rejects the views of many scholars who place and examine the context only from the author's side, while the reader's side is ignored.In this model, the text is considered only as a production from the author's side and has nothing to do with the reader.Readers are only and solely placed as consumers who do not influence the creation of texts.The model introduced by Mills is quite the opposite.The text is the result of a negotiation between the author and the reader.Therefore, the reader here is not considered merely as a party who only receives the text but also participates in the transaction as will be seen in the text.
Using Althusser's analysis, Sara Mills emphasizes how actors are positioned in the text.This position is seen as a form of one's subject matter: one party has the position of the interpreter while the other party becomes the object to be interpreted.In general, two things must be considered in the analysis, namely: First, how the actors in the news are positioned in the text, who are the parties positioned as interpreters in the text to interpret events, and what the consequences are?Second, how the reader is positioned in the text.The text here is interpreted as the result of negotiations between the author and the reader.

B. Method
This research uses the Critical Discourse Analysis method of the Sara Mills model.In Sara Mills' critical discourse analysis research framework, the text becomes the unit of analysis.This research framework consists of two stages.The first stage is the identification stage which consists of three features, namely subject-object, reader position, and ideology.The identification stage is the process of showing, proving or recognizing something in the text (Eriyanto, 2015).
In general, the subject position is filled by nouns, which can be people, places, things, or noun phrases.The subject is the actor represented by the discourse that defines an event or group.In addition, subjects are actors who have a strong position to define reality.
Object positions are people or things that are the goal of certain actions or feelings.The object position is generally believed in the discourse that most texts represent women as objects rather than subjects.As an object, she cannot represent herself in the text because her appearance is represented by other actors (subjects).Every text contains a message that is accepted (or rejected) by the reader as given or obvious.
The reader is expected to discover as clearly as possible what the text is about.To address the reader, an author/writer uses pronouns to place himself or herself in the text.Personal pronouns are tools used by the author to show the position of people in the discourse.In one text, there are subject positions, object positions, and third positions.If the third position is the narrator, the pattern of the article will be objective seen from two sides of the subject and object.If the subject position is the narrator, then the subject position will be higher than the object position and vice versa.Sara Mills does pay more attention to how women are portrayed in the text, but because she uses Althusser's analysis which emphasizes the position of actors in the text, it can be used outside the context of discussions about women.Position is meant as a form of someone being a subject, some occupy the position of an interpreter, while others become the object being interpreted.Thus, there are two general concerns, namely 1) who is positioned as an interpreter in the text to interpret events and what the consequences are, and 2) how the reader is positioned in the text.The text in this study is the video "Mang Osa Ogah Masuk TV Pas Lagi Viral", which is interpreted as the result of negotiation between the performer (author) and the audience (reader).Sara Mills focuses on how the actor's position is depicted in the text.This perspective contains an understanding of who is the subject of the story and who is the object of the story, which will have an impact on how the structure and meaning of the text are handled as a whole.Sara Mills also looks at how readers and writers are portrayed and how readers identify and situate themselves within the storyline of the text.This kind of positioning will put the reader in a certain frame of mind, influence the way the material is read, and position the social actors.Ultimately, the way a story is told and positions are placed and displayed in the text makes one side deemed to have legitimacy and the other side not.

Subject-Object Position
Actor position is the placement of actors in the text.Position means who is the narrator's subject and who is the object of the narrative.This position determines the meaning of the text.In this broadcast, the research team has identified several actors, which in this paper will rationalize why the names below occupy their positions as listed in Table 1.To provide a clearer picture of the positioning of each actor, several snippets of conversation form the basis of each analysis.Each underlined word is emphasized by the researcher, while the numbering is for ease of reference to the sentence in question.The numbering of conversations is made to follow the chronology of the show.
Irfan: "Well, this one is so 'laki abis', the manly is gone."(1) Inggar: "It's not that it's gone, so 'laki abis' means real man, not that the manly side is gone."(2) Irfan: "Okay, let's prove whether it's a man or a man who's manly side's had gone, yes." (3) Irfan's position in sentence 1 shows his position as the subject clearly, when he intends to introduce to the audience, both the audience in the studio and on television, that the guest he introduced did not have the characteristics of masculinity, in short: "gone".Inggar also occupies the subject position when she attempts to provide a different interpretation, as the lexicon "abis" is also used in colloquial language to mean "once" or "very"; when it is pronounced "laki abis", two conflicting meanings are given by the two presenters.Unlike Irfan, Inggar intends to interpret MO as someone who is "very male" or "very masculine".Regardless of the debate between the two, they are both trying to make interpretations and then label the object, to be accepted by the audience.This is emphasized when Irfan invites the audience to prove who is the most correct (3).
Inggar: "Yes, man.Oh my gosh, so manly."(4) MO: "Well, so the point is that it's manly, but because it often wears off, the masculinity is faded."(5) Inggar: "Uh, but I'm sorry, there are many lights but why was pink chosen anyway?"(6) Sentence 4 again shows Inggar's position as the subject in the show, when emphasizing her opinion about MO's masculinity, which she considers "manly".The term "male" is only used for animals and plants, but figuratively, "male" means more than just gender identity.Males are interpreted by Indonesians as men who are gallant and brave, which means they have extra value compared to ordinary men.Inggar's speech attempts to interpret MO's physical appearance as a tall, large man, with a beard on his face, emphasizing MO's male figure.Contradictorily, Inggar questioned this masculinity because MO brought a light saber toy a popular lighted sword toy inspired by the Star Wars movie in Pink color (6).The color pink has close associations with femininity.Culturally, in many countries including Indonesia, women from infancy have been identified with pink trinkets.It is common for friends and relatives to give gifts of pink items for girls, and blue for boys.So, when MO turns on her pink lightsaber, Inggar immediately makes a comment that challenges MO's choice of color.MO occupies the object position because here he follows the storyline set by the subjects by admitting he is masculine, but often appears otherwise, so he is called "luntur" and "abis" ("Faded") (5).The diction "luntur" is used for objects that have color to explain their condition that has changed color or lost color, so that if a red shirt is said to be luntur, it means that the color has changed or lost, has turned pink or lost its original color."Faded" also has the same figurative meaning to be used for things other than color.Thus, when MO calls himself washed out, it is the same as saying that his masculine nature is indeed gone.
Irfan: "I'm surprised that the blue hair in the corner is straighten his hair by himself."(7) Inggar: "I was also confused when we were cleaning up and Mang Osa was already carrying cables.I thought it couldn't be a laptop cable, but it turned out to be a cable of hair straightener, there's Mang Osa's make-up team, why bother to do it yourself?"(8) Irfan: "Sorry, we leaked it."(9) Hair painting is a form of activity that long-haired women usually do when dressing up to straighten their hair.Women usually straighten their hair at home with a simple electric-powered vise without the need to go to a salon, some even make it a routine activity every day.Men, on the other hand, when they want to straighten their hair, generally need professional help.Especially with haircuts that are generally short, it is rare for a man to need a hair vise.Irfan and Inggar's questions about MO's haircut (7 and 8) give the interpretation that what MO does is something very "female".Coupled with Irfan's apology for "leaking" this to the audience.There is an interpretation from the subject that MO's haircut is an activity that should only be done by women and should be kept secret because it is embarrassing for men.MO: "So, the point is that when it was viral, there were a lot of invitations, all the TV stations were looking for it, all the invitations.But why I didn't want to come, it is because I didn't want to be invited just because it went viral." ( 10 The conversation above shows the strengthening of Irfan and Inggar's position as subjects because it reveals other actors who are invisible but have greater power, namely television institutions, which in this case take the form of the creative team of television programs that provide legitimacy to the two subjects to perform their roles.MO's statement about all television stations shrimping him (10) shows the competitive situation of Indonesian television today, which has competitors not only limited to fellow television stations but also social media.Television stations try to seize all opportunities that allow them to get as many viewers as possible.Back in the days of broadcast media, a person would only be famous if they had been invited to appear on broadcast media, both radio and television.
Being "on" television became the ultimate measure of fame for the general public at that time.A person could earn his or her celebrity status by appearing on television.The main drawback of broadcast media is the difficulty in measuring the audience.Even if the audience can be measured, it is only limited to a sample of viewers in certain areas.Unlike social media, everything is recorded automatically.When social media users find out that their videos are watched by thousands or even millions of people, then television becomes a medium that is no longer meaningful, because popularity is easier to reach through social media.Moreover, the Internet has been able to provide all the things that were originally only available on television.Young people now prefer to watch television content in the form of reruns on social media platforms rather than watching it directly through television sets.Social media, on the other hand, promises popularity in a short time and gives rise to micro-celebrities.Micro-celebrity is the condition of being recognized by a specialized group of people, and the practice by which people present themselves as public personas, create affective bonds with audience members, and view followers as fans (Marwick, 2007).Driven by the burden of high production costs, television, which was originally limited to rebroadcasting videos on the Internet, seems to see a new opportunity to enrich its broadcast content by presenting these microcelebrities who are not as expensive as traditional celebrities who have charged high rates for each invitation received.
Traditional celebrities have a body of work to offer when appearing on television, such as playing a musical instrument, singing, dancing, role-playing, performing attractions, etc. Micro-celebrities, which are made up of ordinary people, often go viral when they do something dramatic, unique, and surprising, but not necessarily of decent quality.Someone who makes a funny laughing sound or falls strangely can become very popular because videos can spread and even go viral in a matter of minutes.In terms of quality, these people are not worthy of being shown on television because the producers of television shows have to think about what the person will do in front of the camera.Will someone with a funny laughing voice be asked to laugh over and over again?Will someone who falls strangely be asked to fall again by hurting himself in front of the camera?It seems that this kind of thinking led MO to be invited to attend, with a simple request: ngondek (11).
MO's attitude of questioning the invitation to ngondek on television received a rejection reaction from Irfan and Inggar, again emphasizing MO's position as an object.The interesting thing to be interpreted more deeply is Irfan's comment that ngondek is not strange ( 14) so there is no need to question it.The researcher team saw Irfan's affirmation as an attempt to legitimize his role as one of the actors in the show.Irfan has long been known as a television host and always performs according to the character of the show he is hosting.In Ms Queen, Irfan served as a ngondek actor, which he showed through his speech intonation and body movements.Inggar, as a fellow host who has a similar task, must support the legitimacy by saying that there is no problem with the request for ngondek on television, it is not something that needs to be disputed ( 16).
There is a bit of awkwardness in Irfan's spontaneous comment that implies ngondek is something inappropriate for MO (12).This reaction contradicts what he says next (15).There are indications that actors do not fully fulfill their roles and bring up personal opinions in the text.In a conversation that is conducted without a standard script and requires improvisation, this kind of situation is very likely to occur.However, if the researcher reads the text as a whole, the researcher's interpretation of Irfan's comment is limited to responding as if he agrees with MO so that MO can fulfill her role as an object well.
Irfan: "And now you finally accept it because you're running low on money?" (17) MO: "No, it's not.Already famous.No, so at that time if I accepted, I would get this label: ah, Mang Osa is going viral again after that he will sink again.Right?" (18) MO's position in sentence 18 shows that he takes the position of the subject when he tries to explain why he refused the offer to appear on television when his TikTok video went viral when he tries to present the text from his perspective.However, what MO says is nothing more than a reaction to Irfan's questions that tend to corner him (17).Financial hardship is the main reason for people to do things they don't want to do.Economic problems are often the main consideration for people in making a decision.When MO finally accepted Ms. Queen's invitation -despite having refused before -Irfan immediately concluded that MO had financial problems.
Irfan: "Try try try! Do you remember that part?" (19) MO: "I can." (20) Irfan: "Try try try.Here is the phone, there is the phone."(21) MO's position as an object is again strengthened in the conversation above, when he immediately agreed to the request to imitate the ngondek scene in the TikTok video that made him viral and famous among social media users, especially TikTok (19).Her consent reaffirms the invisible power of the show, in other words, it gives MO an implicit acknowledgment that the show has given him the role of object from the beginning.In the conversation that followed, statements were repeatedly inserted that attempted to highlight the cuteness of MO's behavior and language."For my family, I pretend to be manly."( 26) "To make it look like I have a male toy.While actually it's Playdoh, bok." ( 27) "Yes, in the past, I bought that at the toy store, the paper ones.Then the clothes can be pasted on." (27) [paper dolls, girls' toys popular in the 1980s-1990s -researcher]" ( 28) "It's not the burden of bebancian life."( 29) "No, because if it's more like a monitor lizard, you'll get scratched."(30) Indonesians have a formal variety and an informal variety.The formal variety is the standard language used for various formal occasions, such as writing reports, correspondence, and making announcements.While the informal variety is the everyday language that people use.This informal language category, includes code language, which is created by certain groups so that their conversations are not understood by other groups.The author of the book "Kamus Bahasa Gaul" ( 2001), Debby Sahertian, collected a variety of lexicons in the language used by waria/bencong/binan groups which were then widely accepted as slang by some groups of people, especially in big cities like Jakarta.According to Debby, binan language sounds funny to the ear, making it attractive and used by people outside the group (greatmind.id, 2018).This distinctive binan language, which is considered funny, is MO's selling point by appearing on television shows.Ngondek men are easily identified by their intonation of speech, feminine gestures, and the selection of special words when speaking in their circles.
Reading the text of the utterances above presents more meaning than just MO being positioned as an object and carrying out the construction of the interpretation given by the subject.Referring to Mills' thought that is concerned with marginalized discourses, the researcher sees that MO is not only an object in the text, but also influences the overall perspective of the text on ngondek men.This is an irony, when ngondek men are often marginalized in the discourse of power, MO even justifies the practice by playing a role following the subject's perspective.In other words, MO perpetuates the hegemony of the television station that treats ngondek men as mere entertainment material.In the history of Indonesian television, ngondek men have been in demand in comedy programs and variety shows, unfortunately, they are often used as laughing stock only because ngondek is considered funny.This condition continues and is also maintained by MO, who has gained fame on the TikTok platform.
According to his position, from the beginning MO seems to be the object of Irfan, while Inggar seems to be given the role of a subject who functions as a mediator.This kind of thing is common in the entertainment world, the host needs a counterbalance.When a show is designed to be held by more than one host, the program director will arrange for each host to be of a different gender, and more importantly a different point of view so that the show feels more alive because of the different opinions.Furthermore, we noticed that Inggar, the only woman in the show, was positioned to keep the show from being criticized by viewers who disliked the show which put ngondek men in the spotlight, which was reflected in her questions and statements.
"But it's not like it's a disorder, it's not a mental illness.Because we all seem to experience it ourselves."(31) "This one this one this one, why did you hold it earlier?"(40) "Pick it up already.Go back there, go back there.Irfan Irfan go back, go back there!" (41) "I'm so confused.Today we're already like filming the girls' dormitory."(42) Sara Mills' critical discourse analysis began and is often used to look at the position of women in the text who are often in the position of objects, so they cannot present their perspectives.In this broadcast, researchers do not see Inggar, a woman, positioned as an object.With the text she presents, it is clear that Inggar has a position as a subject.Regarding the differences between Inggar and Irfan's views on "laki abis" (1 and 2) that were mentioned earlier, they merge again in sentence 41, when Inggar finally admits that the hassle she experienced was the result of the behavior of two ngondek men who made noise in the studio by using the metaphor of a girls' dormitory.
As indicated earlier in this study, the object position is MO's position.With a conversational style, it is shown on screen as if MO has the power to narrate his own experiences, in his language.However, what he does not realize is that his presence is merely an object that is expected to provide cuteness to the show -something that reaffirms the stereotype of ngondek people.Using Mills' perspective, MO is in the object position as a ngondek man who cannot create a perspective on himself.
MO's unconsciousness of being placed as an object emerges clearly in another part of the show, when MO and Irfan present a text, or in other words, visually demonstrate physical touch between men that implies more than just touch, but rather a deliberate attempt to hold a man, who is, by implication, a preferred sexual object.The text is constructed as a form of joke and cuteness complemented by the sounds of laughter emanating from the studio room where the filming took place, and the smiles of the band members when the guitarist's hand and cheek were hold by Irfan and MO (see images 1 and 2).The same thing, if done by a man to a woman, would cause a different reaction from the public because it is considered sexual harassment.However, since this was done by a feminine man to a man, the scene was considered funny.
Irfan: "Eh, there are band members who want to hold.Here's a band member, hold it, hold hold hold.Let's hold hold hold.Hold hold hold."(33) Started by Irfan, the next scene highlighted by the camera is Irfan and MO trying to teach the band guitarist how to hold Beban, MO's pet chameleon.Irfan gives a demonstration that looks complicated, having to open the guitarist's palm and direct it to a certain position by directly touching their fingers and palms.This complicated method turned out to be unnecessary as the chameleon's weight could be easily placed on the arm by MO.From the repeated invitation to "hold" (35), plus Irfan's feminine gestures, it is difficult to avoid the assumption that teaching how to hold the chameleon's Beban is Irfan's mode of holding the guitarist's hand, which is expected to bring out the cuteness of the scene so that it can invite smiles and laughter from the audience.After MO said sentence 39, MO stroked the guitarist's cheek, followed by the exclamation of banter from the entire crew in the studio (see Figure 2).The reader of the text is left with a lot of unanswered questions because MO initially objects to the request to perform gondak but then displays the same behavior when performing for Ms. Queen.Again, if a guy did anything similar to a woman, it would be viewed as sexual harassment and would cause a different response from the community.Nonetheless, the scenario was deemed humorous because it was performed by a feminine male for another man.When MO briefly changes the subject by objectifying the band's guitarist, it appears as though he has control over himself.In actuality, MO serves as both an object and a supporter of the subject's interpretation of him simultaneously.
After observing the show, the researchers agreed that the answer to MO's contradictory attitude can be found in MO's confession of being asked to perform in a show by the television.There is a main actor in the text, namely the television institution, which in this case takes the form of the program's creative team.This main actor holds the power to determine the subject-object.By accepting to perform ngondek in Ms. Queen, it means that consciously or unconsciously, MO places himself as an object.The position of the subject or object indicates a certain ideological content that marginalizes the position of ngondek men in the show.First, position determines how an event is presented using a particular point of view.The audience depends entirely on the subject in interpreting the object.When the subject interprets the object as a funny and entertaining ngondek man, that is what the subject wants the audience to accept.Secondly, as the subject of representation, the host has full authority to authorize how events are told, and how interpretations are built for meaning to the audience.Irfan and Inggar, who are positioned as the hosts of the program, direct the course of the story by asking various questions and comments to interpret MO as a funny and entertaining ngondek man to be interpreted similarly by the audience.Third, the process is subjective.This means that the meaning-making process occurs not only by subjectively defining oneself but also by defining others.That is, by defining MO as a funny and entertaining ngondek man, it also gives the same definition to other ngondek men outside the show to be interpreted similarly; that ngondek men are funny and entertaining.

Audience Position
By utilizing Mills' conceptual framework, the author and reader negotiate the text, revealing the intended audience through the process of reading.Throughout the essay, Mills draws attention to the predicament of women by pointing out how often they are cast aside and given inferior roles.In light of AWK's emphasis on breaking down power systems, Mills examines gender dynamics and the reader's perspective.Notably, when men and women interact with the same book, different interpretations frequently result in different positionalities within its narrative.A critical investigation concerns itself with the analysis of the prevailing interpretation of the text as well as the reader's perception of their place in the text.After analyzing the text, the researchers came to the conclusion that MO's position as the author and storyteller is highlighted in the popular interpretation.MO had plenty of room to explain the material from his point of view because he was a guest on the show, and this allowed him to highlight a clear gender prejudice.In contrast to expectations, the text featured a prominent portrayal of femininity portrayed by male performers, rather than masculinity emerging as the major topic despite the presence of male players.The representations presented by MO are thematically categorized in to a salon, and some even make it a routine activity every day.The reader is directed to read the conversations between the actors using a feminine perspective.MO: "Yes, then I got a DM once.I asked, Sis, what will I be talking about there, what is the topic?'It's okay Mang.You'll just do ngondek when you come, you know?" (8) Irfan: "Ih, what do you think?" (9) MO: "It's crazy, is ngondek something that has to be shown, I come and then after that, aw, done, then leave, it's weird, right?" (10) Irfan: "No, it's not weird."(11) MO: "Oh, no?" (12) Inggar: "Because many people are like that now.Okay, no problem."(13) This excerpt of the main dialog for the theme "Television Invites to Ngondek" shows the dominance of MO and Irfan as text writers in directing the audience using a fairly ambiguous perspective.In the beginning, there is a tendency to be masculine, when the request to look ngondek appears in sentences 8, 9, and 10.However, this is refuted by Irfan (9), which is then agreed upon (12 and 13).From here, the researcher argues, the reader is again directed to read the conversation between actors using a feminine perspective, because it does not question the emergence of feminine identity in MO.If the male/masculine perspective is used, ngondek is not a performance that can be accepted by real men.MO: "So, the point is that in the past, when it was viral, there were a lot of people who invite, all TV stations looking for it, all invite..." ( 14 The next theme category of talent's conversation above is "Ngondek Celebration", which shows MO's dominance as the author of the text in directing the audience to use a feminine perspective with the argument that the ngondek scene (17) appears in the text as a form of feminine performance on the male body.This categorization is the researcher's effort to present facts about the celebration of ngondek in the text.In this section, researchers found a discourse offered by the author of the text that ngondek is something to be proud of, celebrated, and grateful for, because thanks to ngondek, MO suddenly skyrocketed in popularity: viral on social media (15), invited to appear on various televisions ( 14), invited to star in a film series (21), get financial comfort symbolized by the purchase of action figure toys (23), and get admiration from more senior talents in the entertainment world (22,24,25).Furthermore, ngondek is symbolized as a fast track to popularity.While actually, to achieve popularity, someone who enters the entertainment world needs a long time and needs to work hard.This emerges through Irfan and Inggar's expressions of surprise at MO's video content, which they consider to contain trivial things but can quickly raise his name (18 and 19).This is slightly confused with the story of buying action figures that generally have masculinity values (23).
Action figures are a boy's dream because they generally present superheroes from comics and movies or other favorite characters but are difficult to own because they are relatively expensive.Action figures are often bought when the child grows up and has their income, so they are not used as toys, but as a collection hobby.However, the conversations between actors, according to the researcher's reading, still use a feminine perspective, because it does not question the emergence of feminine identity in MO.
Irfan: "Eh, there are band members who want to hold it.Here's a band member who wants to, hold it!Hold hold hold.Inggar: "It's a tutorial on holding Beban, not handrails!"(41) MO: "That's it!"(42) Inggar: "So what?Wait.Why did you say 5 if you put it here?Haa?Why is this?" (43) MO: "I didn't originally want it here, but Beban wanted it there.Beban has the same instinct as me.Look,look,look,look." (44) Inggar: "Uh no ah don't look at it."(45) MO: "Eh, but Beban is funny to look at, isn't he?" (46) All: "EEHHH!" (47) Inggar: "This one, this one, why are you holding the handle?"(48) Irfan: "I regret bringing you here."(49) Inggar: "Pkay, okay picked it up.Go back there, go back there.Irfan, Irfan, go back, go back there!" (50) Irfan: "I regret bringing him there."(51) Inggar: "I'm so confused, today we're like filming a girls' dormitory."(52) The next conversation themes category is "The Introduction of Beban and the Guitarist" which further strengthens the feminine perspective offered to the audience.In the excerpt of the scene above, the actors involved are not limited to offering the meaning of the sentences they are talking about but also provide signs shown through behavior.The deliberate physical touch (34 -42) when trying to teach how to hold Beban leads the audience to realize "something is wrong here".The audience is invited to laugh at the intentionality of Irfan and MO's prank on the guitarist.Not laughing at the guitarist, but laughing at the behavior of "two ngondek men playing a prank on a real man."The audience is directed to judge that this scene is funny and entertaining.
In addition, MO gave the guitarist (46) a purposeful peck on the cheek, evoking yells from the audience in the recording studio.It is simple to deduce that the audience is invited to observe the presentation from a male perspective, cornering the position of women, if what occurs is a circumstance where a man does this to a woman.Stated differently, this kind of incident would be considered sexual harassment.In contrast, the scenario depicted above had a man-to-man interaction between two guys who were dressed femininely and used body language that may be interpreted as sexual harassment of another male, but the audience was likely to see it as a comedy.Furthermore, Inggar confirms that they act like inmates in a females' dorm (52).As a result, the researcher deduces from reading the text that the reader is predisposed to interpret it from a feminine viewpoint.Because the researcher anticipates that the same thing would happen if the figures of Irfan and MO were replaced with two women, the viewer is meant to understand Irfan and MO's "infatuation" with the guitarist.The musician was being harassed by these two women, but the audience would not object.However, harassment remains harassment.You can be certain that the audience will quickly interpret the situation as sexual harassment if the two parties are of different genders and the male is pestering the lady.Although it's unfair, that's how things work in our society.
The text becomes gender biased when the author delivers a text that is prejudiced against a certain gender.Overall, the author of the text tries to present a female perspective to legitimize Irfan's and MO's feminine performance, which is difficult to accept from a male perspective.Certain writings are humorous and amusing because they purposefully portray men in feminine roles, and they encourage the listener to see things from their point of view.According to Sara Mills' AWK model, texts are the outcome of discussions between authors and readers.The researcher attempted to read the book from the author's intended feminine perspective, but was unable to do so because the text's "Introduction of Beban and Guitarist" section severely undermines the author's attempt to present a masculine viewpoint.males shouldn't be harassed by women or by other males.

D. Conclusion
Based on the critical discourse analysis, it can be concluded that the show "Mang Osa Ogah Masuk TV Pas Lagi Viral" on the Ms. Queen variety show places Mang Osa as an object that is read as a ngondek man who is funny, entertaining and easily popular.This also gives the same definition to other ngondek men to be interpreted similarly by the audience; that ngondek men are funny, entertaining, and easily popular.

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MO: "The first time it went viral, is when it got into a lot of repost accounts like Dagelan, is when I ngondek."(15).